Learning to design cultural districts and learning from designing them
ABSTRACT
Cultural districts are becoming an important field of study to promote a growing number of initiatives for local development. Despite substantial research in this field, knowledge gaps remain, especially with regard to initiatives at supra-urban level. Many policy-makers, funding agencies, local administrators and managers still face important design issues. This paper contributes to the developing body of theory on cultural districts in two ways. Firstly, focusing on concepts from complexity theory, it expands the debate on the conception of cultural districts as complex adaptive systems. Secondly, it highlights the dysfunctional tensions that can arise from conflicting ways of conceiving organizations, organizing and designing among lsquo;promotersrsquo; and designers. We have been involved for three years in a large project aimed at designing a wide supra-urban cultural district in Italy, financed by a major banking foundation. Adopting an organizational perspective and through participative action research, we develop an explorative case study. Our core argument is that a linear, predictable and deterministic approach to analysis and design presents many limitations for such complex projects, offering learning opportunities from the design experience.
ARTICLE HISTORY：
Received 17 July 2015，Revised 9 December 2015，Accepted 11 December 2015
KEYWORDS：
Cultural district; designing approach; complexity theory;complex adaptive system;case study; participatory action research
Perspectives on cultural districts
In the relevant literature, the CD has been conceptualized in different ways. One con- ception views it as a direct extension of the industrial district, in terms of vertical inte- gration of local cultural and tourism industries. Scott (2000), for example, analyses large cities as organizational forms similar to industrial districts, where individuality arises from the cultural nature of the goods produced. Here, the CD is seen as an industrial district oriented to cultural production, which emphasizes the value of creative industries in developing new economic opportunities for local areas (Scott amp; Leriche, 2005). In Italy, industrial district theory (Becattini, 2000; Garofoli, 1994) represents a common departure point for almost all the studies on CD, but with very disparate consequences (Cinti, 2008). Another stream of research (e.g. Frost-Kumpf, 1998; Landry, 2000; Stern amp; Seifert, 2007; Valentino, 2003; Zukin, 1995) sometimes overlaps with the previous stream, focus- ing on CDs within the context of urban planning policies. Most of the literature on CDs has focused on urban clusters, cities of art and cities of culture (Cooke amp; Lazzeretti, 2008; Lorenzini, 2011). For example, Frost-Kumpf (1998, p. 4) defines a CD as lsquo;a well-recog- nised, labelled, mixed-use area of a city in which a high concentration of cultural facilities serves as the anchor of attractionrsquo;. CDs are often seen as tools in the hands of urban plan- ning authorities for fostering the development of centres and revitalizing neighbourhoods
in decline, relying on both production and consumption of culture (Landry, 2000). Valen- tino (2003) develops a similar approach, focusing on Italian art cities. Culture performs the tactical role of building a specific image of a city, to attract resources, tourists or a critical mass of professionals ‒ as suggested by Floridarsquo;s (2002) creative class model ‒ and to gradually transform social life, norms and values (Currid, 2007). However, this type of planning can sometimes legitimize the separation of rich and poor areas (Zukin, 1995), gentrification and an increase in economic inequality (Stern amp; Seifert, 2007), a tendency belatedly recognized by Florida (2005) himself.
A broader conceptualization of CDs is proposed by Santagata (2002), who describes them as geographically clustered networks of interdependent entities defined by the pro- duction of idiosyncratic goods based on creativity, culture and intellectual property, with a strong cultural link to the local community. He identifies four types of CDs: industrial and institutional (similar to the Marshallian industrial district) and museum and metropolitan (similar to models employed in the literature stream on urban planning policy).
Another view explores the contrast between top-down careful planning and bottom-up emergent patterns of development (Cinti, 2008). For example, in the Italian context, Valentino (2003) argues that the CD is an instrument of top-down government of terri- torial resources. The promoters of a CD – mainly local authorities – must define goals, identify resources and find an identification trademark and stakeholders. An agency for development can then act as coordinator and mediator of different interests and situ- ations. However, other positions exist. Hitters and Richards (2002) and the OECD (2005) consider that since territory, community, economy and culture are tightly linked, it is difficult to start from scratch and set up a CD while excluding most of the local community. Other authors adopt a model of the CD that places even less emphasis on top-down development, introducing the concept of lsquo;naturalrsquo; CDs (Stern amp; Seifert, 2007): spatially delimited areas where a variety of cultural assets are clustered in a more spontaneous and bottom-up way.
This phenomenon occurs without policy intent and, because natural cultural districts are not planned from scratch but rely instead on the self-organized efforts of local actors they require tender care and a light hand. Natural cultural districts must be cultivated (Stern amp; Seifert, 2007, p. 3)
rather than imposed in a top-down way. In a rather similar way, Lazzeretti (2001, 2003) adopts an entirely bottom-up viewpoint. However, some su
Learning to design cultural districts and learning from designing them
ABSTRACT
Cultural districts are becoming an important field of study to promote a growing number of initiatives for local development. Despite substantial research in this field, knowledge gaps remain, especially with regard to initiatives at supra-urban level. Many policy-makers, funding agencies, local administrators and managers still face important design issues. This paper contributes to the developing body of theory on cultural districts in two ways. Firstly, focusing on concepts from complexity theory, it expands the debate on the conception of cultural districts as complex adaptive systems. Secondly, it highlights the dysfunctional tensions that can arise from conflicting ways of conceiving organizations, organizing and designing among lsquo;promotersrsquo; and designers. We have been involved for three years in a large project aimed at designing a wide supra-urban cultural district in Italy, financed by a major banking foundation. Adopting an organizational perspective and through participative action research, we develop an explorative case study. Our core argument is that a linear, predictable and deterministic approach to analysis and design presents many limitations for such complex projects, offering learning opportunities from the design experience.
ARTICLE HISTORY：
Received 17 July 2015，Revised 9 December 2015，Accepted 11 December 2015
KEYWORDS：
Cultural district; designing approach; complexity theory;complex adaptive system;case study; participatory action research
Perspectives on cultural districts
In the relevant literature, the CD has been conceptualized in different ways. One con- ception views it as a direct extension of the industrial district, in terms of vertical inte- gration of local cultural and tourism industries. Scott (2000), for example, analyses large cities as organizational forms similar to industrial districts, where individuality arises from the cultural nature of the goods produced. Here, the CD is seen as an industrial district oriented to cultural production, which emphasizes the value of creative industries in developing new economic opportunities for local areas (Scott amp; Leriche, 2005). In Italy, industrial district theory (Becattini, 2000; Garofoli, 1994) represents a common departure point for almost all the studies on CD, but with very disparate consequences (Cinti, 2008). Another stream of research (e.g. Frost-Kumpf, 1998; Landry, 2000; Stern amp; Seifert, 2007; Valentino, 2003; Zukin, 1995) sometimes overlaps with the previous stream, focus- ing on CDs within the context of urban planning policies. Most of the literature on CDs has focused on urban clusters, cities of art and cities of culture (Cooke amp; Lazzeretti, 2008; Lorenzini, 2011). For example, Frost-Kumpf (1998, p. 4) defines a CD as lsquo;a well-recog- nised, labelled, mixed-use area of a city in which a high concentration of cultural facilities serves as the anchor of attractionrsquo;. CDs are often seen as tools in the hands of urban plan- ning authorities for fostering the development of centres and revitalizing neighbourhoods
in decline, relying on both production and consumption of culture (Landry, 2000). Valen- tino (2003) develops a similar approach, focusing on Italian art cities. Culture performs the tactical role of building a specific image of a city, to attract resources, tourists or a critical mass of professionals ‒ as suggested by Floridarsquo;s (2002) creative class model ‒ and to gradually transform social life, norms and values (Currid, 2007). However, this type of planning can sometimes legitimize the separation of rich and poor areas (Zukin, 1995), gentrification and an increase in economic inequality (Stern amp; Seifert, 2007), a tendency belatedly recognized by Florida (2005) himself.
A broader conceptualization of CDs is proposed by Santagata (2002), who describes them as geographically clustered networks of interdependent entities defined by the pro- duction of idiosyncratic goods based on creativity, culture and intellectual property, with a strong cultural link to the local community. He identifies four types of CDs: industrial and institutional (similar to the Marshallian industrial district) and museum and metropolitan (similar to models employed in the literature stream on urban planning policy).
Another view explores the contrast between top-down careful planning and bottom-up emergent patterns of development (Cinti, 2008). For example, in the Italian context, Valentino (2003) argues that the CD is an instrument of top-down government of terri- torial resources. The promoters of a CD – mainly local authorities – must define goals, identify resources and find an identification trademark and stakeholders. An agency for development can then act as coordinator and mediator of different interests and situ- ations. However, other positions exist. Hitters and Richards (2002) and the OECD (2005) consider that since territory, community, economy and culture are tightly linked, it is difficult to start from scratch and set up a CD while excluding most of the local community. Other authors adopt a model of the CD that places even less emphasis on top-down development, introducing the concept of lsquo;naturalrsquo; CDs (Stern amp; Seifert, 2007): spatially delimited areas where a variety of cultural assets are clustered in a more spontaneous and bottom-up way.
This phenomenon occurs without policy intent and, because natural cultural districts are not planned from scratch but rely instead on the self-organized efforts of local actors they require tender care and a light hand. Natural cultural districts must be cultivated (Stern amp; Seifert, 2007, p. 3)
rather than imposed in a top-down way. In a rather similar way, Lazzeretti (2001, 2003) adopts an entirely bottom-up viewpoint. However, some su
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