英语原文共 16 页，剩余内容已隐藏，支付完成后下载完整资料
Abstract 摘要
Researchers disagree over the definition, measurement, and expected political consequences of American patriotism, a situation that is fueled by the absence of a strong theoretical research foundation. We develop and evaluate a new measure of national attachment that is grounded in social identity theory (Tajfel and Turner 1979), drawing on data from three distinct sources: two studies of undergraduate students and the 1996 General Social Survey (GSS). Confirmatory factor analyses provide clear evidence that national identity is distinct from other measures of national attachment including symbolic, constructive, and uncritical patriotism, an nationalism. National identity has a number of other good measurement properties when compared to existing measures: it receives equal endorsement from conservatives and liberals (unlike most other measures which exhibit an ideological bias), develops with time spent in the United States among immigrants, and most importantly is the only measure of national attachment to predict political interest and voter turnout in both student and adult samples, consistent with the predictions of social identity theory. In that sense, the national identity measure outperforms all other measures of national attachment and provides unambiguous evidence that strong American identity promotes civic involvement.
翻译：研究人员不同意美国爱国主义的定义，衡量标准，以及预期的政治后果，这是因为这些定义、标准和后果缺乏强有力的理论研究基础。我们发展和评估了一个以社会认同理论(tajfel 和 turner 1979)为基础的国家归属感的新测量方法，利用了来自三个不同来源的数据: 两个本科生的研究和1996年的一般社会调查(gss)。验证性因素分析提供了明确的证据，表明民族认同不同于其他测量国家归属感的方法，包括象征性的、建设性的、非批判性的爱国主义和民族主义。 与现有的衡量标准相比，国家认同具有许多其他良好的衡量属性: 它得到保守派和自由派的同等认可(与大多数其他表现出意识形态偏见的衡量标准不同) ，随着移民在美国生活时间的延长而发展，最重要的是，它是预测学生和成人样本的政治兴趣和选民投票率的唯一衡量标准，与社会认同理论的预测一致。从这种意义上来说，国家认同的测量方法比其他所有国家认同的测量方法都要好，并且提供了明确的证据，证明强烈的美国认同促进了公民参与。
Introduction介绍
research on patriotism has been marred by a confusing array of terms, definitions, and expected consequences in which patriotism is variously defined as a sense of national loyalty, a love of national symbols, specific beliefs about a countrys superiority, and as a crucial ingredient in the development of civic ties to a mature nation (Hurwitz and Peffley 1999; Spinner-Halev and Theiss-Morse 2003; Sullivan, Fried, and Dietz 1992). Patriotism researchers have reached some (although far from uniform) consensus that a sense of superiority and need for foreign dominance better reflect nationalism than patriotism (De Figueiredo and Elkins 2003; Karasawa 2002; Kosterman and Feshbach 1989; Mummendey, Klink, and Brown 2001; Sidanius et al. 1997), clarifying what patriotism is not. But this still leaves considerable disagreement over what exactly it is.
翻译：关于爱国主义的研究已经被一系列令人困惑的术语、定义和预期的结果所损坏了，在这些术语、定义和结果中，爱国主义被不同程度地定义为国家忠诚感、对国家象征的热爱、对一个国家优越性的特定信念，以及作为发展与一个成熟国家的公民联系的关键因素(hurwitz and peffley 1999; spinner-halev and theiss-2003; sullivan，fried 和 dietz 1992)。 爱国主义研究人员已经达成了一些共识(尽管远非一致) ，认为优越感和对外国主导地位的需求比爱国主义更能反映民族主义(de figueiredo and elkins 2003; karasawa 2002; kosterman and feshbach 1989; mummendey，klink，and brown 2001; sidanius et al. 1997) ，澄清了爱国主义不是什么。 但是这仍然在它到底是什么上，留下了相当大的分歧。
Conclusion结语
This research underscores the contribution of social identity theory to the study of patriotism, a field of inquiry that has typically lacked a coherent theoretical focus. According to the theory, a social identity develops readily among all members of a salient group even when members hold differing beliefs(Tajfel and Turner 1979; Turner et al. 1987). This prediction is borne out in the current study in which national identity was consistently unrelated to political ideology on which Americans tend to be divided. In contrast, at least three of the other four forms of assessed patriotism exhibit some degree of ideological bias.
翻译：这项研究强调了社会学理论对爱国主义研究的贡献，爱国主义是一个缺乏连贯的理论焦点的研究领域。 根据这一理论，即使成员持有不同的信仰，一个显著群体的所有成员之间也很容易形成一种社会认同(tajfel 和 turner 1979; turner et al。 1987年)。 这一预测在当前的研究中得到了证实，在这项研究中，国家认同一直与政治意识形态无关，而美国人往往在这一意识形态上存在分歧。 相比之下，其他四种评估爱国主义的形式中至少有三种表现出某种程度的意识形态偏见。
Social identity theory also predicts greater adherence to group norms among strong group identifiers, which translates into greater civic involvement among strong national identifiers in the case of American identity.This prediction received impressive support in our data. Americans with a strong national identity paid more attention to politics, knew more about current events, and were more likely to vote. Moreover, the connection between national attachment and civic engagement is not predicted by any other form of patriotism The connection between patriotism and civic involvement has been empirically tested by Schatz and colleagues (1999). But findings from the current research make clear that national identity is the only form of national attachment to positively predict political involvement. Overall, social identity theory provides guidance on the measurement of national attachments, produces a nonideological measure that evades contention over the meaning of American patriotism, and generates testable and empirically substantiated predictions that underscore its contribution to research on patriotism.
翻译：社会认同理论还预测，在强大的群体认同者中，群体规范的遵守程度更高，这就意味着，在美国人的身份认同中，强大的国家认同者中的公民参与程度更高。 具有强烈国家认同感的美国人更关注政治，更了解时事，更有可能投票。 此外，任何其他形式的爱国主义都没有预测到国家情感和公民参与之间的联系。爱国主义和公民参与之间的联系已经由 schatz 和他的同事进行了实证检验(1999年)。 但是当前的研究结果表明，国家认同是唯一能够正向预测政治参与的国家归属感形式。 总的来说，社会认同理论为国家依恋的测量提供了指导，产生了一种非意识形态的测量方法来回避对美国爱国主义意义的争论，并产生了可检验的和经验证实的预测，强调了它对爱国主义研究的贡献。
Social identity theory generates a number of other predictions in addition to those tested in the current research. For example, some researche
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