How polycentric is urban China and why? A case study of 318 cities
Xingjian Liua,b,lowast;, Mingshu Wangc
a Department of Urban Planning and Design, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong b HKU Shenzhen Institute of Research and Innovation, Shenzhen, China c Department of Geography, University of Georgia, USA
abstract
Despite much insightful work on polycentric urban development in China, there is a lack of systematic comparison at the intra-city level. Therefore, this paper explores polycentric urban development in 318 cities of China using detailed gridded population data. Our analysis examines the spatial structure of urbanized area within individual cities and identifies population centers within cities that are at the prefectural level and above. Our empirical results suggest that over 90% of Chinese cities have four or fewer lsquo;centersrsquo;, and approximately 40% only have one lsquo;dominatingrsquo; center. Regression models reveal that higher degrees of polycentricity are associated with cities in fragmented landscapes. Conditioning on topographic characteristics and total land area, Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita is associated positively with high polycentricity in Eastern China. Furthermore, our analysis suggests that the devel- opment of multiple (sub)centers in a number of cities (e.g., Shanghai and Tianjin) is relatively consistent with their master plans.
1. Introduction
The emergence of polycentric urban development has been highlighted in recent literature (Anas, Arnott, amp; Small, 1998; Audirac, 2005; Musterd amp; Kloosterman, 2001; Vasanen, 2012). Polycentric cities are formed when previously close-by but inde- pendent urban settlements form a larger and more integrated city-system. Polycentricity is oftentimes deemed a desirable urban form, generating greater agglomeration externalities as well as facilitating the achievement of social, economic, and environmen- tal goals (Parr, 2004). More importantly, polycentricity has been observed and analyzed at various geographical scales, including the intra-city scale (e.g., Central Business Districts (CBDs), edge cities, and satellite towns within a city), the inter-city scale (e.g., the lsquo;Pearl River Deltarsquo; mega-city region), and the trans-regional scale (e.g. continental lsquo;development polesrsquo; identified in European Unionrsquo;s territorial development policies; Halbert, Convery, amp; Thierstein, 2006).
This paper focuses on polycentric urban development at the intra-city level in China, based on the identification of intra-city population centers. As the worldrsquo;s most populous country and largest developing economy, Chinarsquo;s urban transformation has sig- nificant global socioeconomic and environmental impacts (Bai, Shi, amp; Liu, 2014). A recent World Bank report suggests that China is home to approximately 70% cities with more than 100 thousands people in East Asia and the Pacific region (World Bank, 2015).
Among all strategies and measures to tackle the challenges of Chinarsquo;s urban transformation, we witness an increase in normative plans and policies that target at polycentric urban development (Liu, Derudder, amp; Wu, 2015). For example, (polycentric) urban regions are identified as the cornerstone in the recently released national plan for lsquo;new form of urbanizationrsquo; and also referred to in Chinarsquo;s Central Urban Work Conference in December 2015. In addition, lsquo;polycentric urban patternsrsquo; are deliberately sought after in many citiesrsquo; strategic plans (Qin amp; Han, 2013; Yue, Fan, Wei, amp; Qi, 2014). For example, in a study conducted by the National Reform and Development Commission of China, 133 out of the 144 pre- fectural level cities included in the survey are planning to develop or developing new districts/towns outside their old urban cores (Sun amp; Wei, 2015). More recently, the drive for polycentricity is evidenced by the plan in which Beijingrsquo;s municipal government, along with tens of thousands of civil servants and other supporting functions, will be moved out of the crowded old city to a satellite town. This trend resonates with an international quest for polycen- tric urban development. For example, European spatial and social development policies highlight the benefits of polycentric urban development (Burger amp; Meijers, 2012; Hall amp; Pain, 2006), and dis- cussions about lsquo;megaregionrsquo; as a planning and governance tool (re) surface in the US (Nelson amp; Lang, 2011).
Despite many insightful studies on polycentric urban develop- ment in China, there lacks a systematic comparison at the intra-city level. On the one hand, most analyses have focused on inter-city or regional polycentricity, i.e., polycentric urban regions or megare- gions (Yang, 2005; Liu, Derudder, et al., 2015; Yang, Song, amp; Lin, 2015; Zhang amp; Wu, 2006). On the other hand, case studies of urban polycentricity at the intra-city scale are restricted to a few larger cities along the Eastern coast, such as Beijing (Qin amp; Han, 2013; Zhao, Lu, amp; de Roo, 2011), Shanghai (Lehmann, 2013; Yue et al., 2014), Guangzhou (Wu, 1998), and Hangzhou (Yue, Liu, amp; Fan, 2010). As ideas about urban polycentricity are increasingly put into normative plans, systematic analyses of intra-city polycentricity would help generate a better understanding of polycentric urban development, as well as evaluating relevant development policies and plans.
Aiming to help fill this gap, this paper presents an exploratory analysis of intra-city polycentricity across China using detailed gridded population data. More specifically, our paper examines the spatial structure of urban area within individual cities and is organized as follows. The next section introduces the definition of polycentricity, identification of sub-centers as well as measure- ment of morphological polycentricity for individual cities. We then discuss our data and the c
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How polycentric is urban China and why? A case study of 318 cities
为何中国城市多中心化？ 318个城市的案例研究
Xingjian Liua,b,lowast;, Mingshu Wangc
a Department of Urban Planning and Design, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong b HKU Shenzhen Institute of Research and Innovation, Shenzhen, China c Department of Geography, University of Georgia, USA
abstract
Despite much insightful work on polycentric urban development in China, there is a lack of systematic comparison at the intra-city level. Therefore, this paper explores polycentric urban development in 318 cities of China using detailed gridded population data. Our analysis examines the spatial structure of urbanized area within individual cities and identifies population centers within cities that are at the prefectural level and above（地级及以上）. Our empirical results suggest that over 90% of Chinese cities have four or fewer lsquo;centersrsquo;, and approximately 40% only have one lsquo;dominatingrsquo; center. Regression models reveal that higher degrees of polycentricity are associated with cities in fragmented landscapes. Conditioning on topographic characteristics and total land area, Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita is associated positively with high polycentricity in Eastern China. Furthermore, our analysis suggests that the devel- opment of multiple (sub)centers in a number of cities (e.g., Shanghai and Tianjin) is relatively consistent with their master plans.
尽管在中国多中心城市发展方面有很多深入的研究，但在城市内部缺乏系统的比较。因此，本文利用详细的网格人口数据，探讨了中国318个城市的多中心城市发展情况。我们分析了各个城市城市化空间结构，并确定了县级以上城市人口中心。我们的实证结果表明，超过90％的中国城市有4个或更少的“中心”，约40％只有一个“主导”中心。回归模型表明，更高程度的多中心与分散的景观中的城市相关联。调整地形特征和总土地面积，人均国内生产总值（GDP）与东部高多中心度呈正相关。此外，我们的分析表明，多个城市（例如上海和天津）开发多个（次）中心与其总体规划相对一致。
1. Introduction
The emergence of polycentric urban development has been highlighted in recent literature (Anas, Arnott, amp; Small, 1998; Audirac, 2005; Musterd amp; Kloosterman, 2001; Vasanen, 2012). Polycentric cities are formed when previously close-by but independent urban settlements form a larger and more integrated city-system. Polycentricity is oftentimes deemed a desirable urban form, generating greater agglomeration externalities as well as facilitating the achievement of social, economic, and environmental goals (Parr, 2004). More importantly, polycentricity has been observed and analyzed at various geographical scales, including the intra-city scale (e.g., Central Business Districts (CBDs), edge cities, and satellite towns within a city), the inter-city scale (e.g., the lsquo;Pearl River Deltarsquo; mega-city region), and the trans-regional scale (e.g. continental lsquo;development polesrsquo; identified in European Unionrsquo;s territorial development policies; Halbert, Convery, amp; Thierstein, 2006).
1.介绍
最近的文献（Anas，Arnott，＆Small，1998; Audirac，2005; Musterd＆Kloosterman，2001; Vasanen，2012）都强调了多中心城市发展的出现。 以前靠近但独立的城市定居点形成了一个更大，更综合的城市体系，形成了多中心的城市。 多中心通常被认为是一种理想的城市形式，产生更大的聚集外部性，并促进实现社会，经济和环境目标（Parr，2004）。 更重要的是，在各种地理尺度上，包括城市内部规模（如中央商务区（CBD），边缘城市，城市内的卫星城镇），城市间尺度（例如， “珠江三角洲”大城市地区）和跨区域规模（如欧盟领土发展政策中确定的大陆“发展极点”; Halbert，Convery，Thierstein，2006）上都有所观察和分析多中心性。
This paper focuses on polycentric urban development at the intra-city level in China, based on the identification of intra-city population centers. As the worldrsquo;s most populous country and largest developing economy, Chinarsquo;s urban transformation has significant global socioeconomic and environmental impacts (Bai, Shi, amp; Liu, 2014). A recent World Bank report suggests that China is home to approximately 70% cities with more than 100 thousands people in East Asia and the Pacific region (World Bank, 2015).
本文重点介绍了中国城市内部多中心城市发展情况，并根据城市人口中心的确定。 作为世界人口最多的国家和最大的发展中经济体，中国的城市转型对全球社会经济和环境的影响十分显着（白，石，刘，2014）。 世界银行最近的一份报告显示，中国在东亚和太平洋地区拥有超过10万人口的大约70％的城市（世行，2015年）。
Among all strategies and measures to tackle the challenges of Chinarsquo;s urban transformation, we witness an increase in normative plans and policies that target at polycentric urban development (Liu, Derudder, amp; Wu, 2015). For example, (polycentric) urban regions are identified as the cornerstone in the recently released national plan for lsquo;new form of urbanizationrsquo; and also referred to in Chinarsquo;s Central Urban Work Conference in December 2015. In addition, lsquo;polycentric urban patternsrsquo; are deliberately sought after in many citiesrsquo; strategic plans (Qin amp; Han, 2013; Yue, Fan, Wei, amp; Qi, 2014). For example, in a study conducted by the National Reform and Development Commission of China, 133 out of the 144 prefectural level cities included in the survey are planning to develop or developing new districts/towns outside their old urban cores (Sun amp; Wei, 2015). More recently, the drive for polycentricity is evidenced by the plan in which Beijingrsquo;s municipal government, along with tens of thousands of civil servants and other supporting functions, will be moved out of the crowded old city to a satellite town. This trend resonates with an international quest for polycentric urban development. For example, European spatial and social development policies highlight the benefits of polycentric urban development (Burger amp; Meijers, 2012; Hall amp; Pain, 2006), and discussions about lsquo;megaregionrsquo; as a planning and governance tool (re) surface in the US (Nelson amp; Lang, 2011).
在解决中国城市转型挑战的各项战略和措施中，我们看到以多中心城市发展为目标的规范性规划和政策的增加（Liu，Derudder，Wu，2015）。例如，（多中心）城市地区被确定为最近发布的“新形式城市化”国家计划的基石，并于2015年12月在中国中央城市工作会议上提及。另外，“多中心城市格局”在许多城市的战略计划中有意受到追捧（秦汉，2013;岳，范，魏，琦，2014年）。例如，在中国国家改革委员会进行的一项研究中，调查中包含的144个县级城市中有133个计划在旧城区中心外部开发或正在开发新的地区/城镇，（Sun amp; Wei ，2015）。最近，北京市政府以及成千上万的公务员和其他配套职能将从拥挤的老城区搬迁到卫星城市的计划，证明了多中心的驱动力。这种趋势与国际上对多中心城市发展的追求产生共鸣。例如，欧洲的空间和社会发展政策强调了多中心城市发展的好处（Burger＆Meijers，2012; Hall＆Pain，2006），以及关于“大城市”作为规划和治理工具在美国（重）出现（Nelson＆Lang，2011）。
Despite many insightful studies on polycentric urban development in China, there lacks a systematic comparison at the intracity leve
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